The academic achievements of Namibian Grade 12 secondary school graduates were connected to the economic prosperity of the political areas through the use of graduation data. It's suggested that the several educational systems in place before to independence led to disparities in secondary education between political regions, resulting in different economic opportunities. It was anticipated that educational reform would enhance academic performance, particularly in underprivileged areas. The researchers were able to concurrently investigate intricate linkages between high school education, regional growth, and the underlying causalities thanks to two decades of panel data. The correlations and effects between these levels and socioeconomic relationships were ascertained through the use of latent variables. It turned out that educational reform aided in the growth of the economy at the federal level, but its effects were felt locally only after the number of newly enrolled elementary students surpassed the second tier. Education system leveling, particularly beneficially influenced the nation's economic growth, especially in the traditionally underprivileged areas.
Uploaded date: 17 March, 2024
This essay illustrates how poverty and inequality are two related but distinct issues that exist in Namibia at the same time. The study employs a variety of techniques to highlight the connections between poverty and inequality and applies dependence theory to demonstrate how global value chains have solidified inequality. It makes the case for the capabilities method analyses poverty as well as inequality and establishes a political economics framework for comprehending the causes of poverty and inequality in Namibia. This article uses the current four waves of the Namibia Household Income and Expenditure Survey to analyse the shifting patterns of poverty between 1990 and 2016.
The 20th century's pandemic experiences show that socioeconomic conditions and diseases can coexist, especially in times of considerable economic contraction, with varying consequences for distinct population segments. This interaction of biological and societal variables typically disproportionately harms the disenfranchised, exacerbating already-existing socioeconomic disparities; Namibia is hardly an anomaly. Like the majority of the impacted nations, Namibia reported its first two COVID-19 cases on March 13, 2020. The science guiding the government's policy response was primarily based on an infectious illness model.
The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) filed a lawsuit against Samarc Chrome in October 2019 at the Johannesburg High Court. The lawsuit accused the company's directors and board members of engaging in profit-shifting tactics, corporate corruption, and fraud to enrich themselves by sending billions of Rand to foreign tax havens (Alternative Information & Development Centre, 2019). For several reasons, this is an important case that merits further investigation. This is one of the few, if not the only, documented instances of employees trying to sue senior management of their company for profit-shifting methods. In addition, the testimony of a former director who went undercover offers a unique inside glimpse into the "inside" workings of global corporate malfeasance.
The term "scramble for Africa" refers to the division of Africa among powerful European powers during the Berlin Conference in 1884–1885, symbolising the conquest and colonisation of a large portion of the continent. The enduring characteristics of neo-colonialism impede sovereignty even though Africa is no longer a conglomeration of colonial territories. Practically unchanged is Africa's subservient role as a supplier of natural resources and an importer of manufactured commodities to former colonial nations.
This essay challenges the western athletics culture and World Athletics (previously the International Association of Athletics Federations) for their ongoing systemic women's exclusion, especially black women. We argue in favour of Christine Mboma and Beatrice Masilingi, two Namibian competitors who were disqualified from the 400-meter event in Tokyo, Japan in 2021 because of the World Athletics testosterone regulation. It seems that the regulation mostly affects female athletes from the Global South.
There is still a significant divide between substantive equality and formal equality as defined by the law, despite Namibia having passed very progressive laws supporting women's empowerment and gender equality. Key indicators such as the prevalence of multidimensional poverty, employment opportunities, ownership of productive assets, income and wealth disparities, access to social protection, levels of gender-based violence, sexual and reproductive health and rights, and the varying effects of COVID-19 serve as evidence of substantive equality. Budgets give governments the financial tools to address social, economic, and political concerns as well as the means to remedy these disparities. The Namibian government has said that it is committed to gender responsive budgeting in order to reduce gender disparities and take into account the needs of women. This piece examines the budgetary allotments made by the central government for women's empowerment and gender equality from 2014 and 2021.
Social injustice does not occur in a vacuum inside society, nor is it morally neutral. Concrete symbols or things that improve people's lives are required to create an authentic atmosphere that represents some degree of social fairness. Thus, external manifestations that solidify our social structure are necessary for authentic reflections of humanistic values. As a framework, this socioreligious and ethical analysis investigates the necessity of such a concrete reaction to social injustice. For example, liberty—a fundamental principle of a civilised society—must offer more than just hospitable social circumstances. In order to authenticate and ensure the continuance of post-independence social conditions, it needs real conditions of liberty. These prerequisites are necessary as part of an ethical effort to humanise society, not for political purposes. We plan to investigate potential responses to The central queries are: What does it mean to be a Namibian human? What justice symbols are required to convey a more comprehensive human experience?
As Namibia commemorates 32 years of independence, social issues have intensified and many members of the community are not receiving social justice. This article explores the role of the church in resolving social concerns of Namibians, over 90% of whom identify as Christians, keeping in mind that social justice issues are central to the Christian church's mission. This essay examines the church's involvement in social issues in Namibia both before and after independence, emphasising the need to conceptualise social justice. It employs qualitative discourse analysis based on secondary sources as a methodology. The church has come under fire for failing to take a strong, public stance against the egregious injustices and inequality that plague modern society.
However, it is clear that disparity in land ownership is a sign of many other types of inequality. There are several claims made in historical sources that the struggle for independence was primarily about land (see, for example, Botha, 2000; Pankhurst, 1996; Werner, 1993). In the post-independence age, what defies belief is that patterns of land allocation have not changed significantly. The Namibia Statistics Agency shockingly discloses that whilst previously disadvantaged farmers control 6.4 million hectares (16%) of the freehold agricultural land, previously advantaged farmers—that is, white farmers—own 27.9 million hectares (70%) of the land (Namibia Statistics Agency, 2018, pp. 12, 30).
In order to greatly increase household income and equity, the World Bank's report on inequality in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) suggests enhancing security of tenure in both urban and rural areas. One strategy to fight poverty has been highlighted as land ownership. The Bank contends that because it incentivizes farmers to invest in land and security, stable tenure is critical to agriculture and food security; to take out a loan for upgrades and agricultural inputs. According to the World Bank research from 2022, "Land ownership increases household consumption and significantly reduces the probability of falling into poverty."
The Hai||om inhabited a sizable portion of Namibia's centre and northern areas before to colonisation. This covers the area that is now known as Etosha National Park, one of the most popular tourist sites in Namibia. Due to Etosha's long history as a part of the Hai||om people's traditional homeland, the latter have the claim to ownership of the land as well as the privilege of exclusive beneficial occupancy.36 The largest of Namibia's six San (Bushmen) clans is the Hai||om, a former hunter-gatherer society (Tsumib heads of argument, par. 258; see also Dieckmann et al., 2014).
The allocation of power, resources, and opportunities between and among various social groupings is referred to as inequality. These disparities may concern assets, income, work, earnings, health, education, and access to infrastructure and essential services (Maluleke, 2019). South Africa and Namibia have some of the world's most unequal societies, defined by a wide range of social and economic disparities, such as those in gender, health, education, wealth, and energy (Deghaye et al., 2014). These disparities are particularly prominent along racial lines because of the harsh racist histories of colonialism and apartheid in the respective countries.
Uploaded date: 27 March, 2024
This case study will examine Eswatini's present political, economic, and social issues as well as the way that ongoing political demonstrations against the monarchy have been intensifying over the last 12 months. Formerly known as Swaziland, Eswatini is the most unequal nation on the continent (Seery et al., 2019) and the last absolute monarchy in Africa (Sherinda, 2021). We'll look into the relationship between authoritarianism and inequality to comprehend the current political unrest, the harsh security response, and deadlock.
More than 2000 Shoprite employees went on strike on December 23, 2020, calling for increased pay and better working conditions. Pay for temporary employees ranged from N$1200 to N$1600 per month; some had worked there for more than ten years. Permanent employees received salaries ranging from N$2,000 to N$3,000 per month. Shoprite, which claimed to have N$ 10 billion in net cash that year, angrily rejected the demands of the workers, stating that it is not in the company's ethos or practice to provide housing and transportation allowances to its employees.
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